Supreme Court

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Police and Thieves

As others have pointed out, the War on Drugs is really a War on People, and the US Supreme Court has just ratified the Chicago PD’s practice of grand theft auto. One insidious domestic face of the War on People is the practice of civil forfeiture, which allows the police to confiscate and profit from property involved in drug crimes, even when the owner of the property is not guilty of any crime.

In Alzarez v. Smith, six plaintiffs sued the City of Chicago because the city had stolen their cars and cash, alleging they were involved in drug crimes. Under the State of Illinois’s Drug Asset Forfeiture Procedure Act (DAFPA), an owner of property seized as a “drug asset” must wait at least 142 days, and possible more than 6 months, before the police are required to show cause for stealing the property, and it may take months after that before ther owner gets a hearing, even when the owner is never charged with a crime. Actually getting one’s property returned may take even longer. Only one plaintiff in Alvarez had property returned in less than a year (11 months!), and the city kept one plaintiff’s car for almost 3 and a half years before agreeing to return it. Even in a city like Chicago that has a mass transit system, having one’s car taken for more than three years is a significant hardship. I’d be out of a job and on the street if someone deprived me of a car for that long.

The Seventh Circuit held that the DAFPA was illegal as a violation of the Due Process Clause. Between the Seventh Circuit’s opinion and oral argument at the Supreme Court, the Plaintiffs reached a settlement with Chicago (all of the cars were returned to their rightful owners, two plaintiffs forfeited the cash, and one plaintiff reached a settlement to get some, but not all, of his money back). As a result, the US Supreme Court dismissed the appeal as moot. That’s fair enough–the dispute was, after all, resolved. The court went a step further though, and vacated the Third Circuit’s opinion.

It could have been worse, I suppose, if the court had reached the merits and decreed that DAFPA was not unconstitutional, but nonetheless, the court’s decision means that once again, DAFPA is valid law, and Chicago police can steal people’s cars with impunity. As The Volokh Conspiracy points out, the Court’s decision shows a disregard for Constitutional property rights and is almost certain to end up back in court. As Justice Stevens points out in his dissent (in part), “Judicial precedents are presumptively correct and valuable to the legal community as a whole. They are not merely the property of private litigants.”

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Sometimes it’s a good thing when the Supreme Court denies certiorari. For example, today the Court denied cert in Virginia v. Harris, a case involving the police’s ability to pull over a vehicle after an anonymous tip. In this case, police received an anonymous tip that Harris was driving drunk. When the police spotted the car described in the tip, they pulled Harris over without observing that he violated any traffic laws. He failed a field sobriety test and was convicted of drunk driving. The Virginia Supreme Court ruled that because the police did not independently verify that Harris was driving dangerously, the stop was illegal, and they overturned the conviction. The Virginia court based its ruling on Florida v. J.L., 529 U. S. 266, 270 (2000), which holds that anonymous tips without additional corroboration generally are not reliable enough to support probable cause for a search. So far, so good.

The State of Virginia appealed to the US Supreme Court, which denied their petition. Justice Roberts, joined by Justice Scalia, relies on a variety of logical fallacies in dissent to argue that the Court should have heard the case (and presumably over-ruled the Virginia court).

Roberts and Scalia first write that the Fourth Amendment may not apply “in the special context of anonymous tips reporting
drunk driving.” Really? Is there a drunk driving exception to the fourth amendment? Although I don’t disagree that drunk driving is a serious problem, the argument that “magnitude of the drunken driving problem” is proved by the fact that “media reports of alcohol-related death and mutilation on the Nation’s roads are legion” is nonsense. Volume of media reports has nothing to do with the seriousness of the problem. Judging by recent media reporting, the problem of 6-year-old boys trapped in runaway balloons is an issue of significant magnitude.

The real issue though, is that Roberts (and Scalia) analyze the reasonableness of the stop based on knowledge unavailable to the police. Yes, this one time, the happened to pull over a drunk on an anonymous tip. But before they pulled him over, becaue they didn’t observe and dangerous driving, they had no way to know. What about people who aren’t driving intoxicated who get pulled over based on anonymous tips? What’s the analysis there? If I’m driving in a safe and reasonable fashion and get pulled over because of an anonymous tip and subjected to a field sobriety test and other police intrusion, how is that “reasonable” when the police couldn’t be bothered to observe whether I was driving dangerously?

How often does that happen? We’ll never know because our Fourth Amendment rights are protected only by the exclusionary rule, which never helps the innocent. The exclusionary rule (sometimes) allows defendants in a criminal trial to have evidence excluded if it was gathered illegally. By definition, the only people who are ever in a position to enforce the Fourth Amendment are criminals. The only way an appeals court ever sees a Fourth Amendment case is when the defendant is found guilty and challenges his or her conviction.

And there’s the problem: the exclusionary rule does little to protect the innocent from intrusive searches, and provides incentives to judges to find exceptions so that the guilty will be punished. Justices Roberts and Scalia hate the exclusionary rule because it hinders the police too much; I hate it because it fails to protect the innocent.

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